ODM Wars and Kenya’s Dicey Reconfiguration of Power
For more than 30 years, Raila Odinga functioned as the undisputed gravitational centre of anti-establishment coalitions. He was an unparalleled mass mobiliser, a strategic negotiator, and an ethnic kingmaker. Raila’s authority permeated beyond mere party structures and into the fundamental architecture of national power-sharing agreements.
Recent political events in the country now show that his formidable absence has created an acute political vacuum. This void is rapidly and dramatically reshaping the dynamics within both the opposition and the ruling party.
The immediate consequence is visible within the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), which now confronts the most consequential leadership transition since its inception. Internal fissures have immediately surfaced, notably a growing rift between Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna and Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga.
This competition is not simply a matter of succession; it exposes profound generational and strategic divides concerning the party’s future ideological direction and its posture toward the Executive.
Adding to the turbulence are persistent allegations that the State House is actively attempting to influence key ODM strongholds, including manoeuvres seemingly designed to undermine Siaya Governor James Orengo. This suggests a calculated strategy by President William Ruto’s team to fragment the opposition base while maintaining the veneer of formal cooperation through structured agreements.
In this climate, internal pleas for unity, such as those voiced by Kisumu County Woman Representative Ruth Odinga, underscore the stark reality of ODM’s weakening bargaining power. Absent Raila’s singular, unifying authority, the party faces the existential risk of fracturing into competing regional power blocs, prioritising local leverage over a consolidated national strategy.
The fundamental question for the Orange party moving forward is whether it can successfully transition from an entity driven by a charismatic personality to one defined by institutional resilience.
Across the aisle, President Ruto’s administration continues to operate, anchored by the 10-point cooperation framework previously negotiated with ODM before Raila’s death. This pact has effectively delivered short-term political stability, largely by insulating the administration from aggressive resistance within parliament.
However, beneath this surface of stability, palpable tensions are emerging within the ruling coalition, particularly inside the United Democratic Alliance (UDA). Succession politics are already showing early signs of acceleration, far earlier than the 2027 cycle would typically demand. These signals include quiet endorsements for Deputy President Kithure Kindiki and the visible resurfacing of political networks centred around former Interior Cabinet Secretary (CS) Fred Matiang’i.
For Ruto, this early jostling presents a dual challenge: first, he must maintain coalition discipline while skilfully managing the growing ambitions of key players; and second, he must actively prevent regional power blocs from prematurely consolidating around alternative centres of power.
The foundation of Kenyan coalition politics remains inextricably linked to regional and ethnic arithmetic. Future alignments will be determined largely by dynamics within three critical regions.
The first is the Rift Valley, which, while still serving as President Ruto’s core base, is also subject to internal elite competition. Should succession debates intensify, this could potentially fracture the region’s current cohesion.
The second is Nyanza, and the post-Raila political landscape here is highly fluid. The region’s negotiating power, whether it operates as a unified bloc or fragments into issue-based alliances, hinges entirely on whether the ODM party can successfully consolidate or is allowed to splinter.
And then there is Central Kenya, which continues a careful recalibration following the 2022 transition, solidifying its traditional role as a decisive swing constituency in national coalition formation.
Crucially, Raila’s departure entirely removes the Nyanza-Rift Valley negotiation dynamic that previously anchored on the broad-based Government. The political system is now compelled to forge a wholly new equilibrium.
Structurally, fragmented opposition inherently favours the incumbency in the immediate term. The absence of a single, unifying figure capable of mass mobilisation naturally increases coordination costs for opposition elements and diminishes their electoral coherence.
However, this advantage is fragile and conditional. Should the government fail to decisively address persistent and acute cost-of-living pressures, the basis for political mobilisation could fundamentally shift. Instead of being driven by personality-led coalitions, agitation could become centred around specific socio-economic issues.
In this kind of scenario, anti-establishment sentiment can transcend traditional ethnic alignments. Kenya’s history is replete with examples of how profound economic grievances can catalyse broad-based political movements.
The core question remains whether the diverse opposition actors can effectively reorganise themselves around policy-driven, socio-economic platforms, rather than relying on legacy loyalties. The current trajectory then points toward three key emerging scenarios.
The first is managed stability, which is most favourable to Ruto: ODM remains internally divided yet cooperative, UDA maintains rigorous discipline, and the incumbency advantage strengthens structurally heading into the 2027 polls.
The second is elite realignment characterised by ODM factions engaging in independent negotiations with various ruling coalition figures, leading to the forging of new, complex cross-regional alliances well before 2027.
And the third is economic shock mobilisation, a high-risk scenario in which worsening economic pressures trigger rapid mass mobilisation originating outside traditional party structures, thereby forcing an immediate and drastic coalition recalibration.
Ultimately, Kenya is transitioning into a post-Raila political phase that will be defined less by the force of charismatic opposition and more by the intricate dynamics of institutional bargaining, intensive succession manoeuvring, and granular regional recalculation.
While Ruto’s administration certainly benefits from the immediate fragmentation of the opposition, the endurance of that advantage is intrinsically tied to two variables: strong economic performance and masterful coalition management.
